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134 ETHNIC AND RELIGIOUS MINORITIES IN STALIN S SOVIET UNION 1944 the spatial exclusion through deportion followed, though now under the direction of Moscow. Our working hypothesis would be that in the shadow of Moscow-imposed policies of securing the border, the Georgian central power in Tbilisi was also able to pursue its own agenda and further its own interests (see Table 7). Sergo Goglidze, People s Commissar of Internal Affairs of the Georgian SSR. Museum of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Georgia. Free driver license templates.

The Germans Including the Germans in Georgia in the category of persecuted nationalities with foreign ethnic roots is once again somewhat unusual to a certain extent because with Germany, even more so than with Japan, we are dealing with the most important enemy nation of the Soviet Union. 6 War threat and the formation of a fifth column within the country in case of war are obvious factors and formed a familiar pattern since before the First World War.

Counting up all convictions by the kulak troika (329 persons total, death sentence 188 persons), dvoika (119/13), national troika (57/24) and police troika (8/0) (total: 518/228), we come to a huge degree of repression of The repressions of the Poles and Iranians can not be included here since the data material is insufficient (Poles) or it appears unclear ( Iranians ). 134 135 5 - NATION-BUILDING BY TERROR, per cent in relation to the absolute number; with the death sentence, to a high degree of repression of 44 per cent, and 0.94 per cent executions in relation to the total number of Germans then living in Georgia. Germans, however, were also convicted via the Stalin lists.

Just as with the mass operations, here the degree of repression was also very high in comparison to nearly all other nationalities. It came to 0.34 per cent.

Solely the degree of repression of the Jews at 0.31 per cent comes close to that of the Germans (see Tables 8, 9 and 10). 137 5 - NATION-BUILDING BY TERROR, 138 ETHNIC AND RELIGIOUS MINORITIES IN STALIN S SOVIET UNION Combination Theory versus Ethnification In Georgia, for the period of the Great Terror, one can distinguish between groups on the one hand who seemed to be includable into the Georgian nation, and those on the other to whom that did not apply. Here one can apply the criteria enumerated by Stalin as early as 1913 in his publication Marxism and the National Question (Stalin [1913] 1953), in which common language, culture, history and territory play a decisive role. Inclusion and exclusion appear as two sides of the same coin, building the Georgian nation unified within, clearly delimited from the outside. All special identities within the Kartvelian groups thus had to be levelled. The Kartvelian languages other than Georgian Mingrelian, Svan, Laz, as well as the non-kartvelian East Caucasian languages of Christians (Bats, Udi) had to be purged, administratively, from linguistic research (which clearly proved to observers near and far that these were not dialects of Georgian, but languages in their own right mutually unintelligible with Georgian), from schools and media, and indeed from daily use as well.

Islam was combatted as the mainstay of the separate identity of Adzhars, Laz and Meskhians, with the prior aim of inclusion. Those who seemed no longer within reach for inclusion like most of the Laz and those Adzhars and Meskhians more strongly affected by Turkification were alternatively threatened with exclusion. Ossetians and Abkhaz (with no separate high culture in reach, and wholly or largely non-muslim), too, were targeted for inclusion, but threatened with exclusion and persecution in case of inclusion failure at the same time. Policy towards the diaspora nationalities of no major importance to Georgian nationalism was also directed towards reduction, but not in the sense of inclusion within the Georgian nation. Thus neither Armenians nor Azerbaijanis were targeted for active linguistic assimilation, despite the fact that for example most of the Armenians in the capital Tbilisi (a third of all Armenians in Georgia) were already native speakers of Georgian anyway. In their rural areas of settlements, the South(-West) in the case of the Armenians and the Southeast in the case of the Azerbaijanis, they kept their own (Armenian- and Azerbaijani-language) schools. The other groups, however, were considered of no importance according to these new proceedings and were either delivered over to Russian as the imperial language (i.e.